Social Organization

The Tlingit and Haida traditionally had a greater degree of social stratification than did the Athabaskan groups, but in contemporary society much of the Tlingit and Haida class system has been abandoned. Traditionally, three hereditary classes were recognized: nobles, commoners, and slaves. The noble class included the children of prominent leaders who were given prestigious potlatch names. These wealthy individuals became the house owners and were also the only ones who might become the chiefs of the lineage to which they belonged. Commoners did not receive important potlatch names, had less access to resources, and did not own houses. Slaves were war captives and considered the property of wealthy nobles. The Tlingit in the interior still recognized prestigious names and the rights to use clan symbols, but slaves were uncommon there. Though contemporary Tlingit and Haida continue to pass down prestigious names of ancestors, great wealth is no longer a prerequisite to receiving this form of recognition.

Athabaskan groups situated nearer the west coast, such as the Carrier, Tahltan, Tagish, and Southern Tutchone, were also stratified into classes. Among the Carrier, for example, membership in crest groups, such as those of the Beaver, Grizzly Bear, or Raven, could be inherited from the mother or father. However, the right to use the symbols of the crest group, such as songs, titles, or depictions of the crest animal, were dependent on the ability of an individual to sponsor potlatches and thus served to stratify society on the basis of wealth. Currently, potlatches and the use of native names serve more to assert a native identity than to establish class status for these groups.

In Athabaskan groups further removed from the Pacific coast, individuals did not inherit membership in a class. Individuals might achieve recognition as hunters and secular or spiritual leaders, but this prominence was not hereditary. The right to use special symbols or names was not restricted to an upper class of noble families.

Institutions such as potlatches became fully elaborated during the early fur-trade period as the availability of trade goods allowed many individuals to raise their status by sponsoring spectacular potlatches. Trade with the interior also extended the cultural influence of coastal groups such as the Tlingit and Bella Coola into the interior. Potlatches were outlawed in Canada in 1884, but this ban was not enforced uniformly. Among the Haida, missionaries helped ensure that the ban was strictly implemented. The Carrier continued to hold modest potlatches although the practice was opposed by the Catholic Church. The largest potlatch in Yukon was held at Carcross early in this century and was partially funded by Skookum Jim, one of the discoverers of the Klondike gold fields. Contemporary Yukon potlatches are relatively modest undertakings by comparison.

In traditional Na-Dene societies the patterns of association were based on kinship networks. For the Haida and Tlingit, roles in potlatches were determined by membership and status within a particular lineage and moiety, a moiety representing one-half of the society. Among the Tlingit, for instance, all clans were grouped into either the Raven Moiety or the Wolf Moiety, terms that were also used by Athabaskan groups nearest the coast. For these Athabaskans, membership in a moiety determined such roles. Athabaskans farther from the coast did not have a system of moieties with reciprocal obligations, but extended kin groups under the leadership of one or more individuals often came together for dances, trade, or warfare. Following the period of intense missionary activity during the fur trade, church membership and activities became more important but never overshadowed the importance of kinship ties.

Traditionally, kinship also structured the location and composition of houses or camps, the membership of households, the formation of task groups, and visiting patterns between communities. In each of these areas the role of women was extremely important. Again there is a division between the Tlingit, Haida, and Athabaskan groups near the Pacific coast, on the one hand, and those of the Mackenzie drainage basin, on the other. For the Tlingit and Haida, the owners of houses were also the leaders of a lineage. The members of a Tlingit or Haida household were all related through their mothers and grandmothers. Athabaskan groups near the Pacific coast had a matrilineal moiety system which similarly determined residence patterns. Some groups, such as the Kaska, had a moiety system but residence patterns more closely resembled those of the Mackenzie drainage basin. In this pattern, the core of a residence group was usually either a group of sisters or a group of brothers who, in the Kaska system, would all be of the same moiety. Living with them in each camp were their spouses of the opposite moiety, their children, and other relatives. Residence patterns are no longer structured strictly on the basis of kinship in larger modern settlements. Yet kinship remains an important factor in many communities in determining the location of houses and in structuring social interactions.

Leadership positions in the Tlingit and Haida communities were traditionally restricted to prestigious individuals who had inherited a high status and maintained that position by amassing wealth and prestige. In most cases these leaders were men, but, starting in the later fur-trade period, women often took more active leadership roles. The village chief was the most prominent leader in a particular community. Contemporary leaders may be in either a traditional or a modern mould or both. In Yukon, Sam Johnston, one of the traditional leaders of the Tlingit Ishkitàn or Frog Clan, became the first native speaker of the Yukon Legislative Assembly. David Keenan, a Tlingit who was well educated in public schools in British Columbia, returned to his home community of Teslin where he became chief, negotiated a land-claims settlement for his First Nation, and then became chairperson of the Council for Yukon First Nations in 1996.

Leadership among Athabaskan groups was not restricted to one class and depended more on the personal abilities of an individual. A person might show leadership by organizing hunting, trapping, or trading parties, or he might demonstrate spiritual powers by healing the sick or conducting religious ceremonies. Leadership positions were also accessible to women in some instances. Early explorers were themselves cast under the spell of influential native women such as Thanadelthur, “Jumping Marten,” the Chipewyan woman who helped James Knight initiate trade with the Chipewyan, and the “Nahani Cheiftainess” who protected Robert Campbell from attack by Tlingit warriors during his visit to the Stikine region in 1838. There are numerous women leaders in contemporary Na-Dene communities and they have been selected as mayors, chiefs, and members of the territorial governments. In the Northwest Territories, Ethel Blondin-Andrews, a North Slavey from Fort Franklin, is currently the Member of Parliament for the Mackenzie region. In Yukon, Judy Gingell, a Southern Tutchone from Whitehorse who was the chairperson of the Council for Yukon Indians for many years, has been appointed territorial commissioner. The role of traditional leaders is also respected by many communities which have created elder’s councils to advise contemporary leaders on issues ranging from land claims to justice and social services.