From: The Encyclopedia of Canada's Peoples/Cambodians/khmer/Janet Mclellan
In Cambodia most community social institutions or groups were extensions of the family and as such facilitated cooperation, identification, and sharing of resources and experiences. In general, Cambodia did not have a tradition of formal associations, volunteer groups, trade unions, or other common-purpose organizations.
In Canada, however, Cambodian communities have developed structural networks and relationships. Members in Calgary, for example, sit on the board of directors of the Cambodian War Amputees Rehabilitation Society (CWARS), which supports land-mine victims in Cambodia. In other cities there are several volunteer groups among youths, women, and men. Toronto’s Cambodian Association offers settlement services to Khmer newcomers and educational activities (language instruction, workshops, information-sharing sessions). Elsewhere, settlement services and integration programs are organized by Cambodians who work for larger multicultural institutions, such as the Somerset West Community Health Centre in Ottawa, the Manitoba Interfaith Immigration Council, and London’s Cross Cultural Learner Centre. All settlement services and integration and educational programs are funded by provincial and federal grants. In Montreal there is close cooperation between the Communauté Khmère du Canada and the Pagode Khmer du Canada (Khmer Buddhist temple). In Ontario, however, Cambodian associations and settlement services are run separately from Khmer and Khmer Buddhist groups.
Past distrust, miscommunication, and power conflicts inhibit collective efforts in many communities. Cambodians in Canada tend to remain suspicious and critical of those aspiring to, or already in, positions of authority. As in other ethnocultural communities, competition for leadership status highlights class, religious, political, and generational differences.
Cambodian networks remain organized through hierarchical social relations. Personal identity in Canada may be based on previous status in Cambodia; distinct verbal forms acknowledge others’ socio-political positions, and traditional concepts of authority and deference have survived. Still, there are signs of growing egalitarianism. For example, some Cambodian young men, despite their humble backgrounds, have obtained higher education and professional positions in Canada, and in many cases they speak out on behalf of their families.
Community divisions reflect conflict between Cambodian and Canadian concepts of leadership. Elected leadership and due process are new concepts for those used to a traditional patron-client relationship. Authoritarian community leaders may provide a semblance of community stability, especially to funding sources. Owing to denigration of face-to-face confrontation and aggressive or competitive behaviour, leadership disputes have resulted in long-standing, personalized conflicts, exacerbated by the lack of culturally appropriate models for negotiated reconciliation. Several Cambodian associations in Ontario, for example, do not hold elections because people will not take part – a phenomenon suggesting strong dissatisfaction. As a result, several organizations have collapsed. Researchers have noted that Cambodians, when caught in troublesome situations, generally do not assert themselves, complain, or fight for their rights. New or innovative types of power that would involve youths or women are difficult to implement, and changes are often superficial or become submerged in existing patterns of hierarchy.
The fracturing within communities is compounded by severe scarcity of individuals willing or able to present themselves as community leaders. During the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia, teachers, administrators, medical doctors, military professionals, traditional healers, and monks were targeted for persecution and execution. As a result, there are few models of success in communities, especially in business, science, or the arts. While several young Cambodians study in college and university, their parents continue to seek adjustment and better employment. The continuing widespread state of anomie and post-traumatic stress, however, inhibits individual advancement, as well as community development and renewal.
Because of a lack of human resources, programs to encourage community development are only slowly being developed. Workshops at the Cross Cultural Learner Centre in London to develop skills in negotiation, compromise, and consensus-building have strengthened Cambodian communities in London, St Thomas, and Windsor. In Ottawa, the Somerset West Community Health Centre has helped Cambodian women to participate further in community development. The Cambodian Association of Ontario in Toronto has plans for training in parenting, leadership, employment, and teaching; youth initiatives include weekly sports activities, social events, and academic tutoring.
Cambodians have difficulties participating in such programs. The Khmer Rouge regime organized every aspect of people’s lives – food, clothing, hairstyle, work, and living arrangements. Instant compliance with orders was expected, and personal initiative or opinions were punishable by death. There followed years of dependence and passivity in refugee camps, where fear and graphic memories of terror remained long after the threat was over. Because of psychological trauma and the enormous challenges of a new land, it has taken time for Cambodians in Canada to rebuild community life, systems of trust, and renewed self-reliance and motivation.