Community Life

The first attempt by Italians in Canada to establish a community organization was made in Montreal in 1875 with the short-lived Società Nazionale (National Society), which was organized as a national association like those of the city’s French, Irish, and English populations. In 1902 prominent members of the Montreal community established an Immigrant Aid Society, which operated until World War I, when the first period of mass migration was severely curtailed. Across the dominion, the most widespread and successful associations were the self-help societies, which were established from the late nineteenth century onward and sought to address the economic and social needs of working people. These might be formed as church-related organizations, village or regional clubs, or workers’ associations. Most common were the mutual-aid societies open to all. The payment of modest monthly fees, ranging from about fifty cents to one dollar, provided members with insurance against sickness and disability and funeral benefits.

By the early 1880s Montreal had its Fratellanza Italiana, and in 1888 the Umberto Primo society (named after the Italian monarch) of Toronto was founded by immigrants from Laurenzana and a few Genoese. Just after the turn of the century, two more influential mutual-aid societies were established in the city, mainly by the growing number of Calabrese: the Vittorio Emanuele III in 1902 and the Circolo Operai dell’Ontario (Italian Working Men’s Circle of Ontario) the following year. On the eve of World War I the three Toronto organizations alone had almost 230 members between them. In northern Ontario the Principe di Piemonte (Prince of Piedmont) benevolent society was organized by some 30 Italians in Fort William in 1909. Farther west the first society had already been founded in the mining town of Rossland in 1899, named after Giordano Bruno, a sixteenth-century freethinker. By World War I, mutual-aid societies in the west had been established in New Michel (1903), Fernie, Trail, and Vancouver (all in 1905), in British Columbia, and Winnipeg (1911).

The most significant development after the war was the attempt to form large umbrella organizations that could represent Italians provincially and nationally. The vehicle for this effort was the Ordine Figli d’Italia (Order of the Sons of Italy), which was established in the United States in 1905 and entered Canada during the war on the tide of nationalist fervour that was its hallmark. While the order embodied the insurance functions of the local mutual-aid societies, its emphasis was on unifying and representing Italians with respect to their political and social self-interest. At least in part, its appeal lay in its promise to raise the social standing of members of the group and end discrimination and prejudice against them (in immigration policy, for instance).

The first Canadian lodge of the Sons of Italy, the Giuseppe Verdi, was founded in Sault Ste Marie in 1915, soon to be joined by the Tyrolese Italiana (Italian Tirolean) in Lethbridge (1917), the Giovanni Caboto in Calgary (1918), and the Piave in Montreal (1919). By the mid-1920s the order in central Canada had expanded to an extent that allowed for the formation of provincial chapters. In Ontario this meant the affiliation of six lodges located in Sault Ste Marie, Thorold, Niagara Falls, Hamilton, St Catharines, and Toronto. In Quebec seven lodges were linked, all in the Montreal area. Other efforts at consolidation were reflected at the local community level. In Toronto, for example, the three major mutual-aid societies were brought together as the Società Italo-Canadese (Italian-Canadian Society) in 1919, and the Comitato Intersociale (Intersocial Committee) served as a coordinating body for all the city’s Italian clubs.

The movement towards greater unification was compromised, however, as the community split along political lines over the issue of fascism after Mussolini’s rise to power in 1922. Central to fascism was its espousal of assertive nationalism, traditional authority, and the securing for Italy of status as a “great power.” The generally tolerant attitude towards the regime on the part of Canada and other Western democracies because of its anti-Communist stance and apparent early successes encouraged a sympathetic response from Italian Canadians. The reaction in the community in Canada was also an attempt by the ethnic minority to escape the prejudice against it through identification with a newly assertive Italy that was gaining increased attention and respect on the world stage.

Within the Italian-Canadian community, those for whom fascism meant patriotism, traditional values, and international prestige sympathized with the regime. While many did so, only a small number were actually Fascist Party (or fascio) members. On the other hand, those for whom fascism meant totalitarianism, class exploitation, and imperialism mounted a valiant opposition, which was ultimately vindicated by events. Friction over the issue first broke out, and was most acrimonious, in Quebec, where the Sons of Italy suffered irreparable damage. Democrats within the organization who insisted that the order remain true to its apolitical and non-denominational founding principles broke ranks with the pro-fascist leadership to form a parallel organization in 1927. A decade later this Independent Order of the Sons of Italy of Quebec had a dozen lodges and considered itself strong enough to expand nationally, forming the Order of Italo-Canadians as a national umbrella organization.

In contrast to developments in Quebec, the Sons of Italy in Ontario were more successful in preserving cohesion because of a relatively enlightened leadership, which, for the most part, attempted to avoid an open rift. Indeed, the number of lodges increased considerably throughout the 1930s, in part reflecting the heightened ethnic prestige of Italians as a result of Rome’s effective policies regarding the Depression. In Hamilton, for example, two female branches were added to the existing Trieste Lodge – the Roma Imperiale (Rome Imperial) and the Imperia (named after a city in Liguria) – and in Peterborough a new Cristoforo Colombo Lodge was established.

Throughout the decade the order sponsored a number of educational and recreational activities in association with Italian vice-consular officials. In the mid1930s the fascist government had established case d’Italia (Italy houses) in both Toronto and Hamilton, premises that doubled as vice-consular offices and community centres. Activities sponsored by the authorities ranged from the Dopolavoro (After work) recreational organization, which included hockey teams, to the Balilla, a youth group (named after a young eighteenth-century patriot) whose members were eligible for free summer trips to Italy. In Toronto most of the major community associations, including the Sons of Italy lodges and the encompassing Comitato Intersociale, came under the sway of the Italian vice-consulate. Nevertheless, as in other centres, tenacious opposition existed within independent societies, radical political parties, and the Italian-language left-wing press.

Mussolini’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 met with growing criticism of his regime, and soon support within Italian-Canadian communities began to wane. Throughout Ontario a concerted effort was mounted by the Order of Italo-Canadians to offer an associational alternative to the existing organizations. Four lodges were established in Toronto and two in Hamilton. Other chapters were formed in Niagara Falls, Thorold, Fort Erie, Port Colborne, London, and Timmins. In Windsor a working relationship was established with the Giovanni Caboto Club, and in Ottawa the order opened a community centre, following the success of a similar facility in Montreal. By the beginning of 1940 the order had 2,000 members and was poised to expand into the west, where the appeal of fascism had been weakest. These plans, however, came to an abrupt end with the outbreak of war between Italy and the British Commonwealth, and the resulting precarious position of Italian Canadians.

The war cut short the painstaking effort of community building that had been in progress for over fifty years. Harsh government policies and popular hostility against Italian Canadians resulted in the rapid atrophy, if not complete destruction, of the community’s major institutions. Many community leaders were interned, anditalianità (Italian heritage) now became a mark of condemnation rather than of celebration. Associations that had been trying to forge unity among Italian Canadians lost members en masse. Such was the case for both the Sons of Italy and the Order of Italo-Canadians. Even locally rooted, apolitical organizations were forced to suspend meetings, close down, or sell off community halls.

At the end of World War II, Italians in Canada were well on the road towards assimilation into the mainstream culture. The cessation of new immigration after 1929 and the discrediting of community leaders and italianità by fascism and the war resulted in Italian Canadians turning away from their homeland. On the whole, the group suffered damage to its self-esteem. Not only did participation in community organizations decline precipitously, but many chose to deny the cultural heritage that had caused them grief. The anglicization of Italian names was only one of the more obvious indicators of this reaction. By 1941 Italian Canadians had an intermarriage rate of 45 percent, higher than for most major ethnic groups, including the English and the French. Furthermore, almost 30 percent no longer used their mother tongue.

The trend towards assimilation was stemmed by the massive post-war influx of the 1950s. The new immigrants were not only able to revive community formation; within a generation they also made it possible to bring the process to maturity. This rapid development of the Italian community was, however, founded on two valuable contributions from pre-war Italian Canadians. First, some associations had survived fascism and the war, especially the village and regional societies, which had remained outside the nationalist debate, and in many cases they provided the groundwork for post-war development. Such a contribution was made, for example, by the Casacalenda and Caserta mutual-benefit societies of Montreal, the Trinacria (ancient name for Sicily) and Famée Furlane (Friulian Family) societies of Toronto, and the Cristoforo Colombo society of Trail, which by the late 1960s had grown to 600 members.

Secondly, prominent members of the early community gradually overcame the wartime trauma and began to play important roles in rebuilding community institutions and identity. They included people such as Anthony Vannini of Sault Ste Marie, the first Ontario lawyer of Italian descent to be appointed a judge; Angelo Branca from Vancouver, a member of the Court of Appeal of British Columbia; Dr A.F. Sirianni of Montreal, who served on the National Research Council; and Joseph Carrier and John De Toro of Toronto, both successful businessmen. Individuals such as these were responsible for the revival of the Sons of Italy and the Order of Italo-Canadians, the establishment of immigrant aid societies and business associations in the major centres, and the creation of important local umbrella groups, including Toronto’s Italo-Canadian Recreation Club, opened in 1947, and Vancouver’s Comitato Attività Italiane (Italian Activities Committee), established in 1956. Later immigrants contributed to community development with new energy, and a plethora of associations were established – church-related societies, locally based organizations, sports clubs, and the like. Except for the mutual-aid societies, whose role declined as a result of the growing prevalence of government and private insurance, the range and number of associations quickly matched, and then surpassed, the situation in the pre-war period.

Several major initiatives characterized community development in later years. First was the establishment of lasting social-service agencies. In both Toronto and Montreal, an Italian Immigrant Aid Society (IIAS) had been established in the early 1950s to administer to the needs of newcomers. Operating with limited budgets and staff, the societies relied on volunteers to help immigrants with the services required in the initial adjustment period. They assisted newcomers in finding housing and jobs, provided emergency clothing and food, and acted as interpreting and counselling centres vis-à-vis Canadian society.

In Toronto, which was receiving the largest proportion of immigrants, the work of the IIAS was augmented in 1961 by the founding of the Centro Organizzativo Scuole Tecniche Italiane (Organizing Centre for Italian Technical Schools, or COSTI), whose purpose was to meet the needs of immigrants during the second stage, that of integration. The organization was established by Father Joseph Carraro of St Helen’s parish and Charles Caccia, then a local politician. Operating out of the former Casa d’Italia, COSTI offered adult technical education, retraining, rehabilitation for injured workers, and English courses for those attempting to adjust to the local job market and Canadian society. The organization addressed a major need for education within the community, and by the end of the 1960s satellite offices had been established in North York, Oakville, and Hamilton.

As Italian immigrants gained economic security, COSTI steadily expanded its services to address social and personal problems that characterized the third stage of immigrant adjustment. In the 1970s the agency offered major services in the fields of counselling, citizenship, women’s issues, and senior citizens’ concerns, and it became part of the United Way, thus acquiring a more secure financial base. During the following decade the IIAS was amalgamated with COSTI, and new initiatives were launched in the areas of family counselling, unemployed youth, and public education. COSTI-IIAS emerged as a major agency that addressed the needs of not only Italians but also newer immigrant groups, particularly the Chinese, Portuguese, and Latin Americans. As a result, it was honoured with an Achievement Award for Voluntarism from the provincial Ministry of Citizenship and Culture.

A second major post-war community development involved the formation of Italian-Canadian business associations. In the late 1940s the Canadian Italian Business and Professional Association (CIBPA) was founded in Toronto and a counterpart established in Montreal. In both organizations, members were often associated with the Italian Chamber of Commerce located in the two cities. As similar associations were established in other urban centres such as Winnipeg in later years, they became linked together through a national federation. Representing the interests of Italian-Canadian employers, small businesses, and professionals, CIBPA quickly emerged as one of the most influential organizations in the community, its impact generally reflecting the socioeconomic mobility of the ethnic group.

The association has played a leading role in charitable projects in both Canada and Italy, such as raising funds for the physically challenged and for victims of natural disasters. It takes an active part in presenting position papers and briefs to the provincial and federal governments on matters of concern to its membership and to Italian Canadians generally. In 1962, for example, the Montreal CIBPA, with a membership of close to 400, presented a petition to the prime minister requesting, among other things, more educational programs for Italian immigrants, greater recognition of Italian trade certificates, and the appointment of an Italian-Canadian senator and a judge at the federal level. Effective organization, annual directories, and regular information bulletins have allowed Italian Canadians to keep abreast of an evolving business and professional network within the ethnic group.

The third post-war development involved the attempt to consolidate Italian communities in cities across Canada under local umbrella organizations. Such bodies typically sought to coordinate the various Italian associations around major projects and to represent the community both politically and culturally. This group representation was particularly important when applications were made for public funds for community building projects or services. By the late 1960s, local coordinating groups had been established, such as the Federazione delle Associazioni e dei Clubs Italiani (Federation of Italian-Canadian Associations and Clubs, or FACI) in Toronto, the Confratellanza Italo-Canadese (Italian-Canadian Confraternity) in Vancouver, the Lega Italiana del Manitoba (Italian-Canadian League of Manitoba) in Winnipeg, and similar bodies in Montreal and Calgary.

Foremost among the consolidation drives was that in Toronto. Shortly after the war, the Italo-Canadian Recreation Club (ICRC) had been created by a coalition of regional clubs led by the Famée Furlane, the Fratellanza Italo-Canadese (whose members were from Chieti and Friuli), and the Circolo Sociale Marchegiano (Marches Social Circle). In 1947 the ICRC constructed a hall on Brandon Avenue that was to act as a focal point for community activities. Within a short time, Brandon Hall became home to the Abruzzi Club, the Calabrese Women’s Group, the Sannicandrese Club (a paese, or hometown, club for people from Foggia), the Alpini and Bersaglieri veterans associations (named for military units), cultural and sports clubs, the businessmen’s association, and, later in the 1960s, various Italian-Canadian unions.

As a result of the Toronto community’s tremendous growth after the war, it became evident in the 1960s that an umbrella organization was needed to coordinate activities among the various groups. Hence, FACI was constituted, marking the beginning of the community renaissance that was to take place over the next two decades. To some extent, the federation was part of the momentum initiated by the ICRC, but, unlike the Brandon effort, it was mainly led by post-war immigrants. FACI soon emerged as a capable force. In order to raise and administer funds for common projects, the Italian Canadian Benevolent Corporation (ICBC) was incorporated in 1971. Ironically, this organization, dominated by wealthy pre-war Italians (notably from the Club Termini Imerese), was eventually to overtake its parent in influence.

The first major project of the ICBC that acted to knit the community closer together was the construction of a home to meet the needs of an aging population. Through fund-raising dinners, a telethon, support from the Italian-Canadian media, and widespread individual donations, money was collected to complete the facility in 1975. The project, costing millions of dollars, was widely supported by Toronto’s various hometown and regional clubs, providing evidence that Italians could participate at both locally based and pan-Italian levels of activity simultaneously without a conflict in loyalties. Among other significant contributors within the community, donations were also made by various unions, business people, and firms. The successful completion of the seniors’ home, Villa Colombo, marked a major milestone in the cooperative development and maturity of Canada’s largest Italian concentration. The accomplishment was not unique, however, since similar consolidating efforts were mounted in other Italian-Canadian communities.

Interrelated with the consolidation movement was another major trend in Italian-Canadian enclaves – the building of modern, multi-purpose community centres that provided a physical and cultural focus for the entire ethnic group. These facilities relied for their realization on financial support from a wide spectrum of the local population and often on volunteer labour and donations of building supplies. In Toronto the ICBC launched an ambitious fundraising campaign that resulted in the completion in 1980 of Columbus Centre, which became the community’s foremost social, cultural, and recreational facility. It was located next to Villa Colombo, to which were later added two more buildings for senior citizens. Situated in the heavily Italian Downsview district northwest of the city centre, the community facilities were augmented by a church and separate schools nearby, thus making the complex the heart of Toronto’s Italian collectivity.

In Vancouver a new umbrella organization, the Italian Folk Society, was organized in 1974 by post-war immigrants working in conjunction with consular officials. Representing fifty associations, the society successfully raised enough money from community and provincial sources to open the Italian Cultural and Recreational Centre in 1977. As with the Toronto facility, the Vancouver centre’s attractions included Italian language and music classes, community-interest courses, an art gallery, a library, a conference hall, and a monthly bulletin. In Montreal the pre-war Casa d’Italia was revived as the community’s centre by members of the Sons of Italy and CIBPA. Inadequate to meet the needs of a growing Italian population, it was replaced in the 1960s by larger facilities. Major community centres were also established in Calgary and Sudbury. In the former the Calgary Italian Club became the hub of various community organizations and activities, and in Sudbury the Enrico Caruso Club erected the city’s largest hall to mark Canada’s centennial.

Across the country similar facilities were built to bring together and meet the needs of Italian Canadians. Among the earliest were the Moneta Recreation Club of Timmins, founded in 1947, and the Giovanni Caboto Club of Windsor and Roma Hall of New Westminster, both built in the 1950s. The following decade saw major expansion in community facilities: the Italian Community Hall of Dominion, Cape Breton Island, first built in 1937, was renovated; the Colombo Hall of Kamloops was expanded; and new premises were built, such as the Italo-Canadian Club in Kingston and the Italian Hall in Port Alberni on Vancouver Island. Centres were also constructed in Nanaimo, Victoria, Regina, Lethbridge, and other places, and in the mid-1970s the impressive Da Vinci Centre of Thunder Bay was completed. The Italians of Winnipeg followed suit with a Casa d’Italia in 1980 and the construction of the Villa Cabrini Seniors Residence five years later. As headquarters for various associations, as cultural facilities, and as popular venues for weddings, gala dinners, amateur theatre, and the like, the community centres played a defining role for many Italian Canadians.

The final, and perhaps most significant, development within the Italian-Canadian ethnic group was a logical extension of the consolidation movement that was played out at the local level. This was the establishment of a national body to unite and represent Italian Canadians from coast to coast. The initiative in this important endeavour was taken by the local umbrella organization of Toronto. Soon after its establishment, FACI launched a campaign to bring together Italian-Canadian associations in a national federation that would coordinate policies and projects. This effort came to fruition in 1974, when representatives from across Canada met in Ottawa to establish the National Congress of Italian-Canadians (NCIC). Its major aims were to foster the cultural heritage of Italian Canadians, promote cohesion among the various associations, work towards common goals, and enhance the political influence of the group. The first president was Alfredo Campo of Montreal, chairman of Petrofina (an oil company later absorbed by Petro Canada). The congress was organized as a four-tiered structure, each level being a federation of composite units. The national umbrella group consisted of five regional bodies, later expanded to seven, which, except for the Maritimes, essentially corresponded to provincial boundaries. In turn, the regions were divided into district branches representing various local clubs, associations, unions, parish groups, and other grassroots interests. Ontario, containing a majority of Italian Canadians, was divided into five districts, later expanded to eight.

From the beginning the National Congress carried out its mandate of representing Italian Canadians with respect to public issues of concern: Italy-Canada agreements, multiculturalism, immigration, and citizenship policy. However, out of necessity, its early activities were largely project-oriented. In particular, it spearheaded the Canadian campaign to rebuild parts of the Friuli region in northeastern Italy, which was ravaged by a massive earthquake in 1976. It had to mobilize again four years later to aid the victims of a devastating quake in Campania and Basilicata. The second campaign alone raised $6.5 million nationally from community donations to rebuild homes and public facilities. Because of restricted resources and the major commitment of these relief projects, the congress in its first decade had relatively little time for policy development.

In the mid-1980s, however, the NCIC entered a more assertive phase of advocacy. In 1987 it presented a brief on the Meech Lake accord, designed to win Quebec’s acceptance of the 1982 constitution, the first time that the congress had presented a position regarding major national issues. The NCIC maintained that any new constitutional agreement that enhanced the position of Quebec must be balanced by equality for all Canadians. This advocacy role was then extended as the congress tackled concerns related to women, the aged, cultural retention, and media portrayal of minorities. The congress also took up the issue of the wrongful treatment and internment of Italian Canadians during World War II, for which it received an official apology from the prime minister in 1990 and a promise to redress the damages suffered by the community. Although it is relatively young in comparison with organizations representing other major ethnic groups, in a short time the National Congress of Italian Canadians has proven to be an effective vehicle in forging a coordinated response to public issues that are of concern to its constituency.